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Although multiple dialect varieties of English exist in the northeastern United States, the children in this study did not demonstrate the influence of African-American English, or any other non-mainstream variety, in their English speech. The use of the standard variety of Spanish in the United States, the conservative Mexican variety Lipski, , is not typically heard in this community. Public Health Service's efforts to educate Americans about sex makes clear why federally funded sex education has been haphazard, ad hoc, and often ineffectual. For example, the flap and trill are highly complex sounds, as based on the fact that they tend to be produced in error by typically-developing children sometimes up until age 7;0 Bedore, ; De La Fuente, We predicted that bilingual Puerto Rican Spanish-English-speaking children would use fewer dialect features, or exhibit lower dialect density, than their monolingual Puerto Rican Spanish-speaking peers due to the influence of English phonology on Spanish phonology. More specifically, speech sounds are typically acquired in a simple-to-complex, or an unmarked-to-marked fashion; simple sounds are easier to produce than complex sounds, and therefore, are acquired earlier.
That is, although the two languages of bilinguals are, by and large, separate, evidence of the influence of one language on the other can be observed in subtle ways. The researchers found that bilingual children demonstrated significantly higher accuracy on coda consonants than monolingual Spanish-speakers between the ages of 2;;4, indicating that German phonology was influencing Spanish phonological acquisition. Both predominantly monolingual Spanish speakers and bilingual Spanish-English speakers live in the same community, go to the same schools, and use the same dialect of Spanish. Are bilingual children more likely than monolingual Spanish speakers to use dialect features to aid in i. The use of the standard variety of Spanish in the United States, the conservative Mexican variety Lipski, , is not typically heard in this community. Differences in phonological markedness constraints could serve as evidence for how the underlying phonological representation of bilingual children is organized if English phonological properties are found to be restricting the use of dialect features in Puerto Rican Spanish. Fabiano-Smith and Goldstein b suggested a variation of the acceleration hypothesis in which bilingual children utilize between-language interaction to exhibit a similar rate of acquisition as compared to their monolingual peers. Although multiple dialect varieties of English exist in the northeastern United States, the children in this study did not demonstrate the influence of African-American English, or any other non-mainstream variety, in their English speech. This community is a delineated area that is distinct from its surrounding communities, as it has been historically Puerto Rican for approximately 50 years. The teachers and aides in the classrooms where these data were collected were speakers of Puerto Rican Spanish and Spanish was spoken frequently in the classrooms. Research Questions The research questions motivating the current study were: Taken together, the results of recent group studies examining prosodic characteristics and syllable structure in bilingual children indicate that 1 bilingual children, by and large, maintain separation between their two phonologies; 2 the two separate systems of bilinguals interact infrequently; and 3 interaction is most often observed on linguistic constructs that differ, or have conflicting phonological markedness constraints, between the bilingual child's two languages. Puerto Rican Spanish is a radical dialect of Spanish which modifies final consonants e. Introduction Identifying how the two phonological systems of bilingual children interact informs theories of bilingual language acquisition and helps to characterize typical phonological acquisition in bilingual children. We predicted that bilingual Puerto Rican Spanish-English-speaking children would use fewer dialect features, or exhibit lower dialect density, than their monolingual Puerto Rican Spanish-speaking peers due to the influence of English phonology on Spanish phonology. Thus, these differences between languages on prosodic features could possibly be transferred, acquired at an accelerated rate, or acquired at a decelerated rate by bilinguals as compared to their monolingual peers. Work by Paradis and Genesee describes in detail how such a restriction might occur. The authors found that deceleration and acceleration can occur simultaneously during bilingual phonological acquisition, causing bilingual children to exhibit a similar overall rate of acquisition as compared to their monolingual, age-matched peers. Some argue that bilingual children begin with one unitary phonological system for both languages e. Results indicated that monolinguals and bilinguals exhibited similar dialect density, but differed on the types of dialect features used. The publisher's final edited version of this article is available at Linguist Approaches Biling Abstract It is still largely unknown how the two phonological systems of bilingual children interact. Therefore, this prosodic contrast between languages provides an opportunity for between-language interaction to be observed. She examined the prosodic characteristics of 17 bilingual French-English-speaking children, ages months. Such an approach would allow for determining where underlying rule structure differs between monolingual and bilingual Puerto Rican Spanish speakers. If bilingual children use the same types of dialect features and with the same frequency as monolingual Puerto Rican Spanish speakers, there would be no evidence of between-language interaction. The current study aimed to take both a quantitative and qualitative approach to dialect feature analysis in order to observe differences in the frequency of use of dialect features.
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